MOVEMENT IN ACTION

ANTI-DICTATORSHIP, PEOPLE’S FREEDOM MOVEMENT

Mission Statement
It is the ultimate truth and equally also, there exist no qualms over the obvious fact; the collective and coordinated endeavors on the part of the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (1991 Nobel Peace Laureate), the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), legal experts, the student leaders, already politically well-orientated as a result of their past and present experiences not the least, and most importantly, the united and determined participation of the people of Burma will certainly triumph over the dictatorial rule of the present ruling military junta in Burma and ultimately restore freedom and democracy in the country.
At this juncture, we bow our heads in respect and salute to the martyrs who have given their lives in the cause of democracy and human rights in all the eras and phases of our revolution.
Highest regards and eternal respects are hereby duly accorded on those leading figures and members of various organizations overseas and inland, student leaders and activists, and political detainees while languishing in the various prisons in the country are still relentlessly and courageously defying military rule and struggling for democracy in Burma by all means at their disposal.
And most importantly, without the determined and concerted participation of the people, it is impossible to affect a mass movement for national liberation in the caliber of the ‘Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement’, the most vital instrument to replace the reign of terror by the present ruling military dictatorship in Burma with an era where a democratically elected representative government, and the rule of law reigning supreme.
In this light, individual or collective involvement in this movement would be deeply appreciated and highly valued.
Today, the present military dictatorship in Burma is still ruling lawlessly by holding all the people at gun point; As a result, the military rulers are always in a position to crush our collective endeavors and common aims to restore democracy in the country and undermine mutual respects and spirit of camaraderie existing amongst us.
Again, we reiterate our firm belief that the Anti-Dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement is the very instrument to rid the present military dictatorship rule in our country forever.
Lastly, we earnestly request all people – individual, collective and organizational – to understand, accept, and cooperate, as it is essential and vital that a unified stand against the SPDC common enemy only will prevail over the military rulers.

Anti-Dictatorship, People's Freedom Movement

The People Of Burma Under The Military Boot

All viable avenues for peaceful transition to democratic rule in Burma are being exhausted or squandered since long ago by the military rulers’ uncompromising attitude and egoistic tendencies. The military dictators have always ignored the will and desire of the people. Most heinous were the military dictators’ reprisals on the unarmed people by random arrests, tortures, imprisonment, disappearances, and arresting and murdering of peaceful demonstrators, still ongoing in the country.
The clamor for peaceful dialogue between the NLD and the military rulers has occupied top priority in Burma’s political agenda and still rings true until today, since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from her first house arrest on July 10, 1995. She was placed under house arrest on July 20, 1989.
It is believed that the leading opposition figures striving for democracy in Burma are opting for dialogue only with a view to end all agonizing, suffering and loss still ongoing in the country. In contrast to the obvious fact, the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) is imposing a scenario where meaningful dialogue is not a viable option for the country’s future. The SPDC generals are only avoiding dialogue to prolong their grip on power obviously.
On the other hand the SPDC is carrying out acts of treason, assassination and conspiracy on the country, in addition to exercising oppressive measures using armed might on the people and the ethnic minorities specifically.
Unwarranted and uncalled for closures of the institutes of higher learning and schools by the SPDC authorities resulting in chaos and uncertainty among new generations of students could be deemed as an act of conspiracy on the nation by the SPDC.
Most sinister of all were the SPDC’s overt attempts to banish the National League for Democracy (NLD) from the political scene of the country. The NLD is the bona fide and legitimate political party in Burma overwhelmingly supported by the people of the country and known worldwide. The SPDC orchestrated attempted assassination of the NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at De-pe’-yin in upper Burma on May 30, 2003, ranked as a modern day ‘national conspiracy’.

Adverse effects on the people, as a result of the SLORC/SPDC rulers’ failure to honor the May 27, 1990, elections

Lack of political, administrative and legal expertise on the part of the generals led people to view the entire military administrative machine as only a still ongoing oppressive mechanism in the country. The country’s economy is on the down turn and in chaos. The inflation is rampant. The price of commodities is continually on the rise, leading to the country’s economy nose diving to unprecedented depths at all times.
Chaotic state of the country’s economy has disastrous impact and reflects negatively on the character of the people - prostitution - and spread of AIDS as a fall out, due to the regime’s failure to address the problem systematically and educate the people countrywide. Also, the spread of AIDS is further enhanced by the intervention of the regime’s lackeys in the endeavors of the NLD members to stem the tide of the epidemic by way of educating the people. The prisons in Burma are crowded with inmates charged on various character-related crimes, not to mention drug abuses and trafficking.
On the countrywide perspective, the cultivation of poppy fields, production of dangerous drugs and trafficking of illicit drugs worldwide are increasing yearly and that depicts a grim picture for the country’s future and posterity.
The unwarranted and severe oppression on the students of higher learning institutes also, led to lower academic standards of the country as a whole.
Lack of legal procedures and rule by decrees only as exercised in the institutions run by the present ruling military dictatorship self-evidenced its true and self-serving purpose, in addition to existence of bias and lawlessness. .
The pride of the Burmese nation was immensely scarred in the aftermath of the brutal army crackdowns on the people during the 1988 nationwide uprisings for freedom and democracy. It had a great shameful impact on the Burmese nationals traveling overseas also, when they were mistreated and with less respect by most of the foreign immigration personnel. This is an ongoing frustration and indignation endured by all nationals traveling outside of Burma holding Burmese passports.
The numerous and repeated atrocities on the people countrywide – random arrests, tortures, imprisonment, forced labor, child labor, extortion, levying, kidnapping and mounting armed assaults on the ethnic people, burning villages, killing villagers, raping women and children – committed by the SPDC armed forces culminated in shame and indignity on the country and people.
An undeniable fact is, there is no future for the people of the country to continue their lives under the oppressive dictatorial rule of the present ruling SPDC regime and we hereby make known this fact to all political opposition entities, officers and other rank and file members of the present day SPDC armed forces, and all the people of the country specifically, the ethnic people who are being subjected to long term oppression and persecution by the present ruling military dictatorship in Burma.

The Dialogue

Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest on July 10, 1995, the clamor for dialogue between the SPDC and the opposition took top priority in the politics of Burma until today. With a view to end all ongoing loss of lives and property as today, the leading figures in their quest for democracy have opted for and demanded substantial dialogue with the military rulers. Until today, the SPDC authorities are imposing a scenario where dialogue is not an option for the future of the country and ignored the fact in lieu of their aim to stabilize and prolong their hold on power.
Whenever the SPDC gets caught in a political quagmire we are used to seeing images of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo on the national television without any audible comments or remarks, and the limited meetings come to an end and the issue fizzles out without a meaningful conclusion or outcome publicized. In this way the SPDC regime has been employing delaying tactics and hoodwinking the international community since decades ago.
The following steps should be in order in case the SPDC military leaders are sincere in their desire to hold a meaningful dialogue:
- Halt all violence attacks on the opposition and injustices in the country.
- Immediately free all political and student detainees.
- Cease all military operations in the country.
- The SPDC must publicly apologize, the people and the country for its long time misrule and injustices.
- Guarantee the personal safety and security of all political figures, specifically Daw Aung Suu Kyi.
- SPDC regime must declare to dismantle itself within a short time frame.

Historical Duty

With highest regards, we hereby highlight and present the people of the country, the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement, National Liberation Movement, or Democracy Revolution which would be very viable and instrumental in our bid to defy and dislodge the present ruling military dictatorship in our country. It is our firm belief that the united and determined participation of all the peoples – ethnic minorities and all others - is vital and duty bound in realizing a mass movement for national liberation.
Since more than a decade ago we, members of the Democratic Burmese Students Organization (DBSO) have been determinedly defying the SPDC rule in Burma by putting surveillance on the SPDC representatives in foreign lands, staging demonstrations for democracy and clanging bells for a people revolution relentlessly. Our primary focus was to demand the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and all political detainees, student leader Min Ko Naing and all other student detainees.
Since more than a couple of years ago we have been staging demonstrations in front of the SPDC representative’s and military representative’s residences under the banner of Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement (ADPFM) in Washington DC, United States of America. We have invited all peoples irrespective of their color or creed and who have a heart for freedom and democracy to participate in our demonstrations against the SPDC regime. Since then we have been holding weekly demonstrations. We will continue our weekly shows of defiance until Burma is rid of the brutal SPDC rule..
In line with our belief that mass involvement by the people (people power) only will prevail in our cause for democracy, which we have named the - Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement – with an aim to highlight the key point that people’s power is crucial and effective in dislodging the SLORC/SPDC rule in Burma.
The Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement is formed on the belief that collective struggle by each and every individual for our common cause – restore democracy in Burma– is viable and possible. And we are trying to instill the fact in every individual among the people that the oppressive military administrative machine could be stalled and ultimately destroyed with our collective efforts. Our ultimate aim is to affect the emergence of a mass movement for national liberation, as warranted and called for, given the prevailing situation in Burma and overseas as at present.
Individuals and political organizations overseas and inland must undertake the task of bolstering the fact that mass cooperation and individual potential are most vital in the success of the democracy movement. Next, with a view to affect mass participation in the politics of the country and establishment of an ‘internal revolutionary potential force’ we must strive on our own by setting up social and religious organizations, stage literary discussions, prayer functions at village, township and division levels countrywide and in the most possible shortest time, without the involvement of the SPDC stooges, the likes of village, township and divisional SPDC cadres and members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association amongst others.
We are all endeavoring to seek and establish avenues where all the people can give support or participate in a mass movement, leading to the eruption of a countrywide ‘national democratic revolution’ without leaning too heavily or solely on an individual or organizational leadership alone.
There are strategies and tactics in place in the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement also.

Strategy: All the people of Burma living overseas and inland and organizations must strive at all levels and locations – village tracts, townships and divisions – to exercise all means at their disposal to oppose dictatorial rule and dislodge the military dictatorship system from the motherland.
Tactic: We must strive hard to sabotage the SPDC administrative mechanisms and repeatedly also, starting with organizing the personnel employed in the SPDC administrative mechanisms directly or indirectly and ultimately, using their potential to affect the immediate stalling and breaking down of the unlawful administrative mechanisms.
With a view to disrupt the SPDC ruling mechanisms and ultimately affect the break-down of the SPDC administrative machine as a whole, the people must undertake the task of waging political defiance against the military rule, as a start.
It is our firm belief that the potential and the impact of the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement rests entirely and directly on the extent of support and participation of the leading political figures and parties and the masses of the country, essentially.
There are three steps in that respect.

1. Once the people of the country take interest and participate in the ‘Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement’ a sense of fear and premonition will prevail among the SPDC military leaders.

2. Once the people of the country come to understand and oppose the SPDC administrative rule at all village, township and division levels, and countrywide, the SPDC administrative power and potential will be weakened to a large extent.

3. Once the SPDC administrative power wanes the people in all unison and consensus must deliver the ultimate death blow and destroy all the SPDC administrative mechanisms.

It is firmly believed that the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP) has the potential to lead the ultimate national liberation movement.

The participation of the masses is most crucial in the anti-dictatorial revolution

Steps for Realization of Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement
Defying unjust commands and orders and refusing to cooperate with the military rulers by the people are no less important problems for the SPDC generals and when it comes to countrywide level and on the long run. (Strategy)
Provisionally they are divided into four vital categories:

1. Negligence at work
It means individual refusal to cooperate with the military authorities. Employees are to refrain from carrying out their assigned tasks at their work places. Individual subservience and mass cooperation are vital and essential in the running of the SPDC military administrative mechanisms. Individual refusal to carry out orders or assigned tasks would lead to mass disobedience in work places. This would culminate in a lethal weapon to undermine or sabotage the SPDC administrative mechanisms. In this way it would be disastrous for the ruling SPDC generals, when they are in no position to command or get the cooperation of the masses. This would certainly culminate in many problems for the SPDC administrators when civil disobedience comes to the fore with the masses refusing to obey their orders or carrying out their assigned tasks. As a result, the SPDC regime would be in a quandary.
The high echelon civil officers in their position can sabotage the SPDC administrative mechanisms by leaving their assigned tasks unfinished under different pretexts. Likewise, the middle ranking civil officers can participate in the game. The students on their part also can participate in this historic event by persistently demanding the release of detained student leaders and students, by distributing leaflets, bulletins and flyers etc. and staging demonstrations against the SPDC rule.
The police personnel also can contribute to the cause by delaying or turning a blind eye on their given orders to arrest wanted student activists and other democracy activists. The people should always take steps to organize the police personnel also, at any given opportunity and time as they are close to the people at all times.
On the other hand the people as a whole should participate in the civil disobedience campaigns by refusing to give tax to the SPDC ruling bodies. Crop and farm workers should also refuse to honor their obligations and contracts with the SPDC ruling regime by refusing to hand over their crops or agriculture goods, as required.

2. Work for political parties and figures
The people should work for opposition factions. This is what the SPDC does not want people to do. The people should throw their full support behind and cooperate with the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Committee Representing People’s Parliament (CRPP). They should protect the leading figures and members of those two political bodies at their best in every possible way. The people should help the leading figures of the NLD and CRPP by offering them their services and cooperating with them in every way in their tasks for the people and the country. Specifically, the people should give their all out support on the CRPP which is given the task of convening a parliament, participated by elected representatives of the May 1990 elections. CRPP should be given full support by the people when it forms a legitimate government.
In case, the SPDC attempts to bring down the NLD sign boards using their stooges – firemen, members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and others – the people should take steps to prevent them from doing their job. The people should duplicate the sign boards in large numbers to replace the displaced ones. Every house should have a NLD flag flying from a mast. This would come in handy one day as it is one way of campaigning for the NLD and showing support for the party headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

3. Affect political activities

The political parties should organize the people at all village, township, and division levels to participate in the meetings and seminars demanding to right injustices and preach anti-dictatorship. Also, people should organize prayer meetings at the monasteries and Buddhist shrines. This would kindle the political spirit and activate the people into taking actions as required and called for. Once the scenario become grim and chaotic, the SPDC generals would be having nightmares.
Then we will go on to stage vital ‘guerilla strikes’ against the SPDC military ruling body. The people should give all out support and protection on the participants. These ‘guerilla strikes’ could be held countrywide.
The students of the Rangoon University had successfully deployed these ‘guerilla strikes’ just prior to the 1988 nationwide uprisings in Burma. On March 13, 1988, Phone Maw an engineering student from the Rangoon Institute of Technology (RIT) was killed by gunfire by the government militia. This led the students to demand for justice and on March 16, 1988, hundreds of students were killed at a place called Red Bridge on the banks of the Inya Lake close to the Rangoon University campus. Then again hundreds of students lost their lives on March 17, 1988, when the soldiers seized the university premises in a raid. On June 21, 1988, a large number of students lost their lives when the government militia and soldiers mauled the students at Mye’-ni-gon, a suburb of Rangoon. Hence onwards the students chose ‘guerilla strikes’ in place of open confrontation against the authorities, in order to avoid casualties.

4. The Ultimate Struggle

Our country has no opportunity for prosperity and posterity under the prevailing military administrative mechanisms run by the SPDC generals, as at present. Ignoring calls for meaningful dialogue by the NLD with a view for national reconciliation, today’s ruling SPDC generals are convening the so-called National Convention since February 17, 2005, without the NLD participation. This renders the SPDC held convention null and void by all standards and rules because of the non-participation of the most popular and legitimate political party in the country the National League for Democracy (NLD), despite the world body the United Nations Organization protests.
We should all in consensus wage the ultimate struggle against the present ruling military junta and decisively show our displeasure and disgust over their oppressive rule and mismanagement of the country.
It is firmly believed that the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement, National Liberation Movement, (a.k.a) Democracy Revolution will lead us out of this present quagmire of a situation. The preparation and the moment of history will be at the discretion of the leading figures of the inland political parties. The decisive struggle will last a very limited time only and stall the SPDC administrative mechanisms, before they are finally rendered useless.

The Decisive Struggle Rests On Three Conditions


1. The people’s collective and decisive decision to refuse to remain under the SPDC rule.

2. Burma has political parties (NLD and others) and leadership (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and others) to establish a representative government and democratic rule..

3. Burma’s transition to democratic rule rests entirely, on the question of whether or when its political parties, ethnic minorities and the masses in the country would collectively and decisively wage civil disobedience campaigns and other activities until the SPDC military regime is sent into history and oblivion.

Formation Of Organizations And Two Basic Rules For Solidarity
Emergence of an elected representative ruling body in Burma is concerned with each and every individual of the country. And also, there is every possibility of differing perspectives and opinions among the people, over the matter. Nevertheless, it is our most vital and challenging task as members of the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement, to organize the people and form many organizations and leagues at all village, township and division levels in the country and overseas and affect a national liberation movement.
This had happened during the nationwide uprisings for freedom and democracy in 1988, with numerous organizations and leagues participating in the demonstrations against then ruling body the Burma Socialist Program Party and brought down three successive authoritarian regimes in a short time. The emergence of numerous organizations and leagues headed by many leading figures in the country and overseas would certainly facilitate and enhance our objective of defying and opposing the military dictators’ administrative mechanisms, as we firmly believed. In short it is a sign of optimism for democracy when there are many organizations and leagues in the country. Of course, there are difficulties over differing organizations and leagues to come under a single command and operation and oppose the military rule.
However, we should try our best to form a united front and strategy against the ruling junta in Rangoon and get the job done at our best and shortest time possible. After all, it is our common knowledge that these organizations, leagues and factions formed during the revolution period would be rendered null and void once an elected ruling body in Burma takes its place as the governing body of the country. This common knowledge will preempt any notion or desire of clinging to power or position among the leading figures in the revolution.
All the organizations, leagues and factions thus formed with only the single purpose and aim – restore freedom and democracy in Burma – would precipitate in a huge victorious revolutionary potential that would stall, stop and ultimately topple the military administrative mechanisms in the country.
Though there may exist some differences of opinion among the leading figures of different organizations, leagues and factions, they have no option other than to build a consensus among them and get united at all costs and means, as they have a common aim – restore freedom and democracy - and enemy, the illegal ruling military dictatorship in Burma.

Political Obligations Of All Organizations And Individuals
The basic consensus and opinion to be professed and practiced by all organizations, leagues and factions, not to mention individuals, should be SOLIDARITY and that should also, stem from the common aim – oppose the SPDC regime and ultimately toppling it altogether.
In this view three fundamental political obligations (policies) are hereby expressed, for everyone’s perusal and consideration.

1. We will never override or usurp the policies or political obligations of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy and the Committee Representing the People’s Parliaement. We believe also that all organizations and individuals (overseas and inland) should do the same.

2. We should never instigate or exhort the people in the country to start the revolution at random and without any careful planning. And we believe that only the political organizations and the people in the country know the situation and the opportune moment for a national liberation movement. We should leave this to their discretion and wisdom.

3. All organizations, leagues and factions and also, individuals who would support or take part in forming the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement, National Liberation Movement, (a) Democracy Revolution and struggle against the SPDC would do so under the principles governing non-violence.

Political Power
Collaborators In The SPDC Administrative Mechanisms
The SPDC generals are in no position to hold on to their power without their tools (collaborators) who are subservient to the generals for their own means and ends mostly. Of course, there are some among the intelligentsia and others who have no option other than to tow the SPDC line. Likewise, there are collaborators who serve the SPDC generals to enhance their position or personal security or prosperity, at the expense of neighbors or kin, even.
The likes of members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), Lon Htein (armed militia or riot police) and People’s Volunteers are some among others serving the SPDC regime as collaborators and henchmen. They are being paid paltry sums and of course, many favors, by the SPDC generals and they are always at the regime’s beck and call, to serve as tools to bolster the SPDC rule and stability. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was attacked by these thugs at De-pe’-yin on May 30, 2003.
Without them the SPDC generals are less in a position to hold the people of the country hostage as at present. They are a great asset to the generals and quite instrumental in oppressing the people and running the country as evidenced today.
As evidenced and required the people should organize these thugs using various pretexts and ways - social, economic, religion etc – or criticizing, condemning, isolating, abandoning etc.

Our Views On The Question Of Obeying And Oppression
The SPDC military authorities have acquired the services of its personnel to run its administrative mechanisms by giving incentives and brides. With a view to hold the country hostage they have employed or pressed personnel from among the people, who are prone to be subservient and cooperative, and these people are given incentives and bribes – money, position, entitlements etc. to drive or manage the SPDC administrative mechanisms.
The majority of the masses in the country are, also obeying and following their given decrees and orders though they have no wish or desire to do so. Moreover, there are many self-centered people who dream of a better life under the military rule and thus, enthusiastically and willing offering their services to the military rulers.
As a result of the people’s failure to affect countrywide defiance against the military rulers, it becomes a routine for them to obey their given orders now. This sense of subservience of the people does not stem from obeying the decrees and orders in the first place. Probably, it may stem from the fact that the majority of the people are harboring a sense of fear of the military rulers. This reinforces the generals’ penchant for brutality and cause to impose harsher rules and decrees on the people. Moreover, this has led to the formation of proxy organizations like the USDA and People’s Volunteers brainwashed to tow the SPDC line at any price and occasion as evidenced by the murder attempt on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at De-pe’-yin in upper Burma on May 30,2003.
Therefore, the people should try to kick this habit of following or obeying the unjust and unreasonable decrees and orders imposed upon them by the military rulers.
Let us propose a scenario like, “we are following their orders not as a result of the torture and coercion on the part of the SPDC authorities”. As soon as the people accept this notion without any doubt or question, then we can say democracy is only at arm’s length.
It is easy to make an individual follow orders by torturing and using coercion. However, it is impossible and beyond any doubt for the SPDC authorities to counter and stem the tide of the countrywide civil disobedience campaigns waged by the people who have reached a consensus and collectively decided that they have enough of the SPDC’s oppressive rule.
Hence, the people should embrace in their hearts by now that it is not due to the SPDC authorities’ coercion or tortures that they are following their orders, it is only because they have few experiences over how to disobey or defy the unjust decrees and orders and that fear factor has pushed them to remain subdued and tow the SPDC line.
With this new found notion the people and ethnic minorities also, should abandon the easy and routine ways of towing the SPDC line and instead strive for their freedom and democracy via the Anti-dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement, the most viable and instrumental for national liberation.

SPDC’s Deteriorating Political Power
The SPDC generals’ political clout is on the wane and their ruling mechanisms are in chaos. Every existing governing body has a two-way political obligation between it and the people which it governs. The effectiveness of the laws and regulations (decrees) exercised by a ruling body is conditional on the limit of obedience or compliance given on the part of the people it governs. Hence, it holds true for the SPDC military regime’s hold on power also. It can be measured by how much and how long the people and the political organizations will follow or tolerate the decrees and orders as given and exercised by the SPDC today.
In our country today as long as the political parties and the people are accepting and obeying the decrees publicized by the SPDC to the letter, then it can be construed that the SPDC has a complete hold (100%) on the people and country. If the people and the parties comply only 50% of the SPDC’s decrees, then the SPDC can wield only 50% of its power.
In this order, in case the political parties and the people refuse to tow the SPDC line in every way possible (countrywide civil disobedience) then the SPDC’s political clout and power will come to an end.
Once the political parties and the people refuse to obey the decrees imposed upon them by the SPDC ruling body then the generals’ power to govern or control the country will be diminished. And ultimately when the countrywide civil disobedience campaigns come to full fury, the impact will certainly culminate in the collapse of the SPDC regime’s administrative mechanisms.
Given the scenario, the SPDC’s political clout and power are at risk of collapsing at any given time, like its administrative mechanisms, prone to destruction. Therefore, the whole SPDC administrative system will crumble and go into history in a very near future.


Sin H Shwe
Campaign Organizer
Anti-Dictatorship, People’s Freedom Movement
Washington DC, USA

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